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South Bank and Space Syntax: The Public Spaces of South Bank



The individual impressions of the open and interior public spaces of the RFH and the NT detailed in this essay are shared by many other people, members of the general public and academia. The buildings were designed to offer these experiences, and while there may be exceptions, the general user behaviour indicates similar results. Maria Doxa has extensively studied both concert halls’ public foyers using space syntax theory (2001). Space syntax is a method of analysing the relationship between space and the user. It was conceived in the late 70’s by Bill Hillier and Julienne Henson. Bill Hillier describes: "If we define spatial relations as existing when there is any type of link - say adjacency or permeability - between two spaces, then configuration exists when relations between two spaces are changed according to how we relate one or other or both to at least one other space" (1996, cited in Arruda Campos, 2000, p. 31). It is a way of configuring space into a series of units (Bafna, 2003, p. 17), by using analytical methods. Arruda Campos summarises the method: “Space syntax theory and techniques allows for the representation, description, quantification and interpretation of the spatial configuration of settlements and buildings, allowing us to correlate spatial elements to social variables, based on the concept of configuration analysis” (2000, p. 31). Through using space syntax methods, the importance of social aspects of populated spaces can be more prominent in the explanation of the space (Bafna, 2003, p. 18). The method is generally used on floor plans of buildings or plans of cities to configure the space, showcasing the current hierarchical connections and generating distinct social patterns in that space (Bafna, 2003, pp. 18-20). The analysis is done by ways of creating maps and graphs of the space after collecting data. Recently, spatial cognition has been theorised, which is “the intelligibility of a configured space, that is, the property of the space that allows a situated or immersed observer to understand it in such a way as to be able to find his or her way around in it” (Bafna, 2003, p. 26). The theory and studies that apply space syntax suggest that how people choose to use public space is affected by the relations between the studied space and where that space exists, concerning permeability and visual connectivity; also determined by the overall area’s corresponding foot traffic (Arruda Campos, 2000, p. i).


Above: A model of Royal Festival Hall's main foyer created for space syntax analysis. Below: The National Theatre's public level's floor plan (Doxa, 2001, p. 4).

There are two general results that yield from spatial configuration studies; pedestrian movement directly affects the invariable number of people in that public space, and strong visual connectivity of a public space decreases spreading of the user (Arruda Campos, 2000, p. i). This is observed in the examples at hand; in the RFH, there are large spaces unused, which makes the foyer give the impression of being less crowded and used. In the NT, the space seems more densely packed with somebody in every corner, but the volume also feels smaller. Maria Doxa’s study produced results that are consistent with previously presented individual experience. Doxa observed the ground level of the RFH and the upper entrance level of the NT, arriving at divergent results (Doxa, 2001, p. 3). On a day, the RFH was in constant use regardless of an event, but the NT was not visited in the morning; more people came and went midday, and it livened up after 6pm (Doxa, 2001, p. 3). She agrees with the open foyer of the RFH having multiple vantage points that are all able to see the ballroom (Doxa, 2001, p. 6). For the NT, although the Olivier and Lyttelton foyers are cohesive with each other and the seating, the entrance pavilion, information desk and bookstore are disconnected; considering approach from the outside, the entrance points appear detached. This results in the NT having “direct accessibility”, while the RFH having “larger integration levels” (Doxa, 2001, p. 6-7). The feeling of confusion and disorientation in the NT foyers, however more accessible, and the RFH’s relaxing effect, and its intention of social inclusion, are results of their respective spatial organisations. This is further indicated in the data collected during a movement analysis of the spaces.


User activity recorded for three minutes upon entry. Left: Royal Festival Hall. Right: National Theatre. (Doxa, 2001, p. 8).

In the RFH, the entrances from the river compose 30% of activity, while the main entrance lacking, at less than 20% (Doxa, 2001, p. 7); the main entrance has lost its significance indeed. The general movement of users point to the fact that the building is wandered through in lieu with the original configuration (Doxa, 2001, p. 8). In comparison, the main entrance is frequently used in the NT, but the distinction between users who enter the foyers and others who stay at the entrance is visible; in addition, the exterior comprehension of the user differs from the interior, creating poor correlation between discovery of the user and the spatial organisation (Doxa, 2001, p. 8). “The lack of visual access from the entrances to the centre of activity, its convexity and the segregation of the entrance hall in the overall configuration of the RNT's [Royal National Theatre] public spaces result in a person entering forming a first impression of the building being less used than it actually is”, argues Doxa, (2001, p. 11), providing an explanation for the confusing sensation the foyer’s horizontal and vertical configurations attribute to the experience. In conclusion, the findings demonstrate that in the RFH, the ballroom and the underbelly of the auditorium are the focal point of the foyer, drawing movement and allocating it to intended activities, when the gaze’s reach to each direction influences the visibility and accessibility between users, rendering the space informal (Doxa, 2001, p. 14). On the other hand, the Lyttelton foyer is the core of movement at the NT; users are less aware of other users in the space due to visual segregation and inadequate permeability between activities, resulting in a more distant impression (Doxa, 2001, p. 14). Although the comments about the RFH’s foyer may be accurate, the NT does not present itself as formal. The user may be more aware of their surroundings and actions, having many views, and being viewed by many, but this does not lead to a feeling of detachment and limitation of actions. On the contrary, it adds to the charm of the NT; it allows exploration due to this quality. Nevertheless, this scientific study clearly provides ground for the initial perception of these public foyers, and helps understand how these two buildings affect the user’s experience with their designs.


The designer having considered the user’s experience and having integrated the intention to the spatial organisation of the architecture, undoubtedly resulted in these impressive cultural buildings with well functioning public spaces. Londoners and visitors enjoy their time in the interior public spaces. Although many of them might be unaware, a city having ‘free, warm, indoor space’ (Calder, 2016, p. 326) that a user can wander in at any time should not be taken for granted. The integration of these spaces with the surrounding urban fabric is of importance as well, and affects the user experience dramatically. In the south bank’s case, the RFH and the NT are welcoming spaces for all, for just passing by, or choosing to spend time in when nowhere else does it.



Taking the bus from the south end of Waterloo Bridge back to the north leaves the National Theatre and Royal Festival Hall receding rapidly from view. Even then, with the buildings lit in the dark of the evening, they capture the viewer, luring them back to the south bank. It is clear from the still lingering crowd on the riverside that the area is not going to be desolated anytime soon. Restaurants and food trucks are in service well into the evening, allowing people to spend time in the area, and still wander in and out of the public foyers until almost midnight. The south bank’s cultural centres, when taken as a whole, produce a “critical mass” that makes it a dynamic and favoured public space (Calder, 2016, p. 327).


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This paper was originally titled “Social Inclusion and Permeability in South Bank: Public Spaces of The Royal Festival Hall and The National Theatre” written for the module Architecture in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Britain.

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